The following is a guest post.
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“Restore the Ming,” the Myth of One China, and Post-Colonial Revisionism
Jerome F. Keating Ph.D.
jkeating@ms67.hinet.net
My first mistrust of historical nomenclature came in a European History Class. Speaking about the German King Otto I (912—973) who wanted to be known as the temporal—not spiritual—sovereign of Christendom, our professor made this point about Otto the Great’s self-proclaimed Holy Roman Empire—the area he ruled. “The first point I would like to make about this kingdom,” he said “is that it was neither Holy, nor Roman, nor an Empire.”
Whether Otto’s kingdom was “Holy, Roman, or an Empire or not” made little difference in the lives of us undergraduates. It didn’t affect us; we had memorized it and that was that. The same could be said about many other historical titles and labels. Thus I began to develop a healthy skepticism of the convenient nomenclature used by historians. At the same time, however, I also began to realize that many times historical labels can affect lives. Too often they are used and manipulated to deny people basic human rights like self-determination as well as to disenfranchise people of their heritage. One classic example that remains is that of the Mongolians, Tibetans, Uighurs and Taiwanese.
Examine and judge for yourself some misnomers that continue in western historical parlance and point to a need of post-colonial revisionism. In 1206, the Mongol Ghengis (c.1162—1227) was named the Great Khan by the Mongol nobility. He would soon embark on one of the greatest conquests in the history of man. When he and his successors had finished the Mongol Empire extended from Korea to Hungary, from Moscow to India. So large was this empire that it was divided into four different khanates for administrative purposes, control and perhaps also to avoid Mongol in-fighting, or shall we say the “internal affairs” of the Mongol Empire.
One of the many countries that the Mongols conquered was the Chinese Southern Song Kingdom which finally fell in 1279. Before that they had conquered the lands in the west as well as the Tangut His-Hsia Kingdom (present day northwest China) and the Jurchen Jin Empire which had originated in Manchuria and encompassed present day north China and Beijing. They also had conquered Korea, Russia, Tibet and the Uighur people as they stretched their borders to present day Hungary. All of the above would then become one of the four khanates that the Mongol Empire was divided into.
Kublai Khan (ruling 1260—94) moved his capital to present day Beijing in the conquered Jurchen Jin Empire (1264) and named his rule Yuan in 1271. For Chinese historians, however, the Yuan Dynasty could only officially be recognized and begin in 1279 when the last of the Song Dynasty armies were defeated. Fair enough from their perspective.
When Marco Polo visited Kublai Khan circa 1274, most western history books will say that he visited China, but in reality, he crossed through vast amounts of “inviolable and/or inalienable” parts of the Mongol Empire and visited one of its capitals. He used the name Cathay which seems to have come from the Khitan people. Mongolian historians had recognized Kublai’s title and rule over this part of the Mongol Empire. Unfortunately since the nomadic Mongolians were not strong on libraries, their sparse records and viewpoints are rarely recognized in the West.
For the Chinese historians following a select tradition, the Yuan Dynasty did not yet exist; however, the area around modern Beijing while part of a Khitan kingdom for over 300 years and not part of Song Dynasty China could still be considered China. Westerners continued to repeat such positions and when Marco visited Kublai’s Empire, most western history books will conveniently say he visited China and not a Mongolian Empire; it is barely admitted that what Kublai ruled more than the soon to be conquered Song China.
The Mongolians never did have good marketing and/or public relations skills to get their perspective of history known. When the Chinese would conquer a land, it became a part of China, but when Mongolia conquered a land, it did not become part of Mongolia, at least as presented to and acknowledged by outsiders.
Part of this comes from a convenient inconsistency in the use of the name China. It is alternately applied to lands that used an administrative system developed by Han Chinese, to lands that exhibited Chinese culture but were ruled by others, to lands that had once been conquered by Han Chinese, and finally to lands that are ruled by the Han.. This allows for great flexibility in nomenclature so that one form can be used (in land acquisition) when another does not apply. Take for example, Tibet which has a totally different culture and language from the Chinese but still is an “inalienable” part of China.
Returning to the Mongolians, as their Empire fell apart, the many conquered lands that were under the various khanates began to break free and regain self-rule. The Tibetans regained their territory, the Manchus theirs, the Uighurs staked out areas for themselves. As the Han Chinese broke free, they did not return to the Song lands. They expanded. Some would say they “took back” territory that 450 years previous roughly fit the borders of the ancient Tang Dynasty (618–907) with the exception of the Tarim and Turfan Basins. Tibet of course was never a part of Tang China.
These new Chinese rulers called their reign the Ming Dynasty. As for the Yuan Dynasty Mongolians, they were never fully defeated like the Song Dynasty and they retreated to rule in the steppes from whence they had come. Though they still ruled there, as far as the Chinese historians were concerned, the Yuan Dynasty ended in 1368.
Tibet, Mongolia, the Uighur kingdom etc. were never under the Ming Emperors who reigned from 1368—1644. In the latter years of this reign the Manchus regrouped and began to build a new kingdom northeast of the Great Wall. They expanded into Inner Mongolia and then taking advantage of favorable Ming internal weakness and in-fighting, the Manchus got through the Shanhaiguan pass and started their conquest of Ming China.
After they conquered the Ming, they continued their conquest of the neighboring countries including Tibet, Mongolia and that of the Uighurs. They also occupied the island of Taiwan to prevent any Ming loyalists safe harbor there. Interestingly enough all of these conquered lands of Tibet, Mongolia, Taiwan, and China etc. now became a part of China and not Manchuria. The Manchus like the Mongolians did not have good spin historians.
Like the Mongolians, the Manchus (not having the required manpower) kept the administrative structures of the countries they had conquered. Like the Mongolians of course, the top men were always Manchus. For the Han Chinese that they were under alien rule was not lost on them. They all had to shave their heads and wear the Manchu queue. Even now, many Chinese still smart at the “indignity” of any mention of that fact; it was a disruption of the order of the universe as they perceived it. Ironically when they in turn Sinicized lands that they conquered it was different. The Manchu queue requirement was an indignity; but required Sinicization was not. Perhaps someone should ask the Tibetans or other dispossessed.
In the same way there are many Chinese who still cannot forgive or forget the humiliation of the Opium wars with England, even though at that time the English were “humiliating” the Manchu Empire and not China. But, of course in their historians’ minds all the countries that the Manchus had conquered had now miraculously become China and not the Manchu Empire.
Throughout the long Manchu reign, the Chinese cry was “Down with the Qing and restore the Ming.” There was however one catch. The Han Chinese wanted to restore the Han rule of the Ming, but they did not wish to restore the borders of the Ming. They preferred to keep the borders of the other countries that the Manchus had conquered, i.e. Tibet, Mongolia, Xinjiang and even Taiwan which the Qing had since given to the Japanese “in perpetuity.”
The Tibetans had a slightly different phrase, they said “Down with the Qing, restore Tibet” but they did not get outside acknowledgement. Only the Mongolians were lucky in this regard; this was ironically due to their relationship with Russia (not the democratic West) who preferred a buffer between their long border with China. Outer Mongolia even got into the United Nations in 1961; Inner Mongolia was not as lucky.
Somewhere in all these discussions someone will also bring up the nomenclature of dependant “tributary states.” This also has a variety of applications and interpretations. More often than not, it applies to bordering states wishing to keep peace on their borders and to facilitate trade with and gain access to the lucrative China market.
Not long ago, I read about how Henry Paulson, chief executive of Goldman Sachs recently worked out a lucrative deal with Chinese President Hu Jintao. Goldman Sachs was given much greater access than any other foreign investment bank to China’s growing financial services market. In exchange for this access, Goldman Sachs made a US$67 million “donation or gift” to cover investor losses at a failed Chinese brokerage firm, and agreed to lend US$100 million to Fang Feng Lei, a Chinese banker who brokered the deal. US$167 million is no small change.
Now in some circles, the nomenclature of the above could be called “sweetening the pot,” a “bribe” or even setting up a “well-executed kickback.” In other circles it might be termed “business as usual,” and probably as it was put to the board of Goldman Sachs it was “getting one leg up on the competition.” I often wonder however that in some future history book, an enterprising and loyal Han historian will point out how Henry Paulson of the kingdom of Goldman Sachs paid homage to and offered “tributary fealty” to the Chinese Emperor, I mean, President Hu Jintao.
A friend of mine once said, Taiwan is a part of China inasmuch as China is a part of Mongolia or of Manchuria for that matter. It is a matter of perspective or perhaps finding a more adequate paradigm.
Face it, a post colonial revisionist history that represents oppressed voices is still noticeably lacking and still remains in order. All of the above could be considered academic trivia if peoples’ lives were not affected. Except for a few, most sinologists still don’t want to touch this. They don’t want to challenge, clarify or to talk openly about the perpetuation of out-dated nomenclature as regards China because first of all it is complex and secondly in the process they would probably endanger their research in the People’s Republic of China. Fair enough, but then again, not so.
Decades ago, historians were able to separate their appreciation of Russian culture and their analysis and critique of Russian history. Sinologists still have not measured up in that regard.
What does this have to do with Otto’s claim to the Holy Roman Empire? Well, whenever you hear someone talking about what “has always been a part of China,” what is an “inalienable and/or inviolable” part of China, and/or what is “splittist” talk about the “internal affairs” of China, this is the first warning sign. Check to see what history books they have been reading, because what you are really witnessing is the cover up and justification for a simple, good old-fashioned “land grab,” and a lot of people are being dispossessed.
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Jerome F. Keating Ph.D., co-author of Island in the Stream, a Quick Case Study of Taiwan’s Complex History and numerous articles on Taiwan’s politics, has lived in Taiwan for the past 16 years. Other writings can be found at http://zen.sandiego.edu:8080/Jerome
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